Archive for the ‘Academic Research’ Category

Trauma of Palestinian childhood in relation to human rights organizations and developments agencies construct subjective childhoods and the way they are transformed, construct certain activities of the consequences of violent interventions.

Trauma became a mean for Palestinian children to become visible only when they suffer or go through extreme suffering. What kind of political subjectivity does the discourse of trauma mobilize and what other ways of being political are rendered invisible?

Given the significant role that international aid and development agencies, they play for constructing places and identity for children in Palestine, what kind of future citizens do these agencies seek to produce? What kind of future citizens do trauma relief projects targeting children produce? How do children perform, disrupt and transform the discourses of Palestinian childhood, enacting their own politics in the process?

First it should be considered that  trauma is constructed as a justification for humanitarian intervention and is also produced through those interventions. The trauma relief is defined as a potential risk to society, a risk that has to be reduced.  Trauma produces the subject of the threatened/threatening that the psychological trauma of Palestinian children go unattended, their build up negative energy will react sometimes in the future.

Trauma relief projects mobilize a particular neoliberal understanding of citizenship. While trauma originally served as a medical humanitarian justification, today trauma relief is used as a part of a resurrected post violent project of new liberal state building.

Children demonstrate agency and flexibility in creatively transforming these discourses.

Trauma originally emerged out of WW I, developed on WW II,  with the Holocaust survivors, also used to define acts of domestic abuse, violence about women, usually related to medical psychiatric condition.

Peace process has resulted in further fracturing the Palestinian land, expansion of Israeli settlements and expansion of military presence. This developed in much violent crashes between Israeli and Palestinians especially during the First and Second Intifada.

The spectacular violence during the second Intifadah was asking for international response. Trauma provided an international response for two reasons;

  1. The medical sector of Palestinian was well developed as the doctors have developed a long experience in working with psychical violence so they would not necessary require medical attention;
  2. The second reason was because trauma really search two purposed: the emphasis in trauma relief is to tell your story through the events that happen ( aid organizations could go listen to the people, so help them but, also to use the stories to travel around the world and to raise awareness towards the Palestinian situation)

The language of trauma cleared space in the global public sphere for the Palestinian Arabs to be heard. It is also important to remember that trauma delimits political agencies as well. The language of trauma risks in vandalizing Palestinians for using children as victims. This requires them to appear as simply victims and not political actors to be taken seriously, but just sympathized for their suffering. Children have been perfect examples of trauma as they are apolitical. Trauma, summed a range of disempowering practices that air to more suffering, while stories present the real truth of the consequences of the occupation.

Technologies of the self

“The self is made into a terrain of political action, a terrain that carries with it new political possibilities for the self-government” (Cruikshank 1999:5)

Is it through the self that social powers are territories and government solutions are exteriorized:

“Building self-esteem is a technology of citizenship and self-government for evaluating and acting upon ourselves so that the police, the guards and doctors do not have to” (Cruikshank 1999:91)

“Embodies encounters, are not simply perceptual, but always involve emotional, cognitive and imaginative engagement; they are always relational. Other than, perhaps, in the youngest infants, perception cannot take place without interpretation, and interpretation involves bringing into play memories, images and feelings acquires elsewhere. Thus, affective experiences of place are neither individualized nor unmediated.” ( Ansell 2009:200)

“The targeted group has suffered from political violence to educational, social and behavioral problems and to the development of negative psychological conditions. Trauma is useful into drawing attention into the hidden mentally scars which creates a medical discourse.

Threatened, intervention is needed not to prevent children from violence but to prevent others of their violence. War affected children need to find alternatives to violence and to release frustrations. Thus aid agencies encourages tolerance and peaceful expression through the use of arts and other creative activities. Also, self expression or dealing with their own problems are methods that should be taken into consideration in order to give children new confidence to take control over their lives.

Deir Yassin Massacre 1948

Posted: February 12, 2014 in Academic Research

The early hours of the morning on Friday 9th of April 1948 the Hebrew National Military Organization known as Etzel a Jewish underground movement in Palestine began attacking the Deir Yassin, a village with approximately 750 Palestinian residents. The village is located in between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem therefore lies on a major route because the airport of Israel is located in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem is the city that Jews, Christians and Muslims have been conflicting over for years.

By 12pm noon it is estimated over 100 Palestinians 50 percent woman and children had been systematically murdered and resisting Palestinians had killed 4 Israelis. 25 Palestinian men had been transported to a stone quarry at the back of a truck and were shot to death by the Israelis.

A total body count is reported to be 254 on the 13th of April a nd few days later the bodies were said to be buried.

The massacre of Palestinians at Deir Yassin is one of the most significant events in 20th-century Palestinian and Israeli history. This is not because of its size or its brutality, but because it stands as the starkest early warning of a calculated depopulation of over 400 Arab villages and cities and the expulsion of over 700,000 Palestinian inhabitants to make room for survivors of the Holocaust and other Jews from the rest of the world.

This massacre can be related to the Aryan Invasion Theory, which states how India was invaded and conquered by nomadic light-skinned Indo-European tribes from central Asia. The same incident has taken place with Deir Yassin massacre because the Israeli Jews have taken over the village and now have implemented the Jewish culture.

Leila Khaled the Palestinian freedom fighter was one of the residents of Deir Yassin and is a victim of this tragic event. This very massacre was the reason why Leila and her family had to flee to Lebanon. The invasion and massacre by the commando is the very motive why Leila became a freedom fighter for her country and nation.

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Writen by: Jay Alom

What is ethnic cleansing?

Ethnic cleansing is the systematic removal of a homogenous group, it has been a dominant issue in our modernity and civilisations hope to create a democracy in society. “Ethnic cleansing is created by central to modernity that involve unexpected expectations and frustrations during which individuals are forced into a series of more particular moral choices” (Mann, 2005) During ethnic cleansing a certain homogeneous group will mobilize the targeted group out of its territory in order for a homogeneous state to elude.

Overview of the Jerusalem Wall

“In Jerusalem, a wall has been established the separates Palestine neighbourhoods from each other and servers roads from other and severs roads that connected Palestine urban and rural centres. Some communities are completely surrounded by the wall and their access is restricted and monitored” (Robert Brooks, 2009) The Jerusalem wall or the ‘Apartheid wall’ was put in place to systematically filter out Palestinians from Jewish territory in order to create an ‘Arab free’ society, although Jerusalem is divided amongst Jews and Arabs, Jews have the ruling over the city, through power Jewish authorities are still planning to expand the occupation. The wall itself has two different points of views, the Israelis refer to the wall as a “Gender HaHafrada the anti-terrorist fence as they believe it protects them from the Palestinian civilians who are to the Jews known as ‘terrorists’ the Palestinians however claim it is “jidar al-fasl al-‘unsuri, the racial segregation wall.

Introducing the weapon of destruction

Although the Apartheid wall is not a blatant weapon, it is systematically removing Palestinians and creating a suffocation of living with little territorial ground it can be argued that this is the new form of torture,  imprisoning Palestinians in a small area somewhat treating them as ‘prisoners’ in their own country. The barrier reduces freedom for Palestinians, education and medical facilities are low, restriction to water sources, road closures and reduced land, it has taken away the human rights of Palestinians on the west bank.

Power and the wall

Aside from the significance history of the wall, another fascination to the wall stems from the perception of the wall as an appropriate metaphor for the struggle of survival of the Jewish people themselves. The Romans had already burned down the temple (in 70 CE) but left the outer side of the wall sunburnt.  Extraordinarily the wall still exists and the same applies to the Jews. Therefore, there is the existence of a religious connection of the Jews with the wall and hence making it the most powerful and emotional religious site in Jerusalem. The amount of people that come to the wall to pray on a daily basis is numerous and the emotion that is shown by the people praying there is definitely out of this world. Therefore, whether a person is a Jew or not, we have realised that the amount of power that the wall holds within the Jewish society is definitely undisputable.

written by : Zainab Mogul and Cynthia Mbugua

 

 

Palestinian Space and Place:

Posted: February 10, 2014 in Academic Research

Cover space and place

This topic seeks to explore the Palestinian society through the concept of Space and Place, by considering how the holy Places in Jerusalem have contributed in the process of changing the understanding of this concept through the shared sacred Spaces. In the same time, we will discuss how the destruction of Palestinian homes, and schools “which have bombed by the Israeli military” have affected the meaning of Place and Space for Palestinian women, and children.

Also, it is important to analysis the concept of Place and Space from the point of view of Palestinians who living in camps as refugees, to see how their culture and their understanding to Palestine as a homeland has been affected by the “temporary host Place”.

Before we start, we should clarify the meaning of “Space and Place” without getting into its depth, that it can be understood from two points of view: philosophy, and geographic meaning. (J. Agnew and D. Livingstone, 2011)

In addition, in the Arabic literature “which Palestine a part of it” there is confusing in the use of this term, because “a Space and a Place” sometimes used interchangeable, and giving the same meaning. (Arabic Dictionary) So, according to Hassan Nijmi “entangles the question of history and geography, the question of thought and the question of lived reality”, that means the Space can be considered as dimensions of history, geography, and politics that shaped the characters of a particular Place, which also lead the Place to be a part of the Space. (Hassan Nijmi, 2000, P: 32)

“A sacred place is not merely discovered, or founded, or constructed; it is claimed, owned, and operated by people advancing specific interest”. (Chidester and Linenthal, 1995)

It was argued that holy places retains its sanctity even if its country has occupied by other country, and even if its official religion was changed, this rule is more applicable  on Jerusalem, that we can find this city is sacred to Muslims, Christians, and Jews. It has many holy places for all the three religions, some of it are shared between them, such as: the Tomb of the Virgin Mary, and the Church of the Ascension on the Mount of Olives, which is shared between Christians and Muslims as a sacred place, and others are belong to a particular religion, such as: Bayt al-Muqaddas, and the Mosque of Hassan Bek, which is belong to Muslims. (Jonathan Z. Smith, 1987)

To understand how these sacred places have affected on Palestinian Space, we should go back to June 1, 2001 to analyse the cause of “the Al-Aqsa Intifada1” events, when Ariel Sharon (Israeli prime minister) have tried to enter the Haram al-Sharif by the support of Israeli military, and because this place is the most holy Islamic site in Jerusalem for Palestinians, so Ariel Sharon have tried to profane this place,  the events that were sparked by his action have caused the most violent attack on Palestinian civilians by Israeli military, according to Ivakhiv conflicts, and warfare are inherent to sacred places just because they are inescapably spatial (Ivakhiv, 2006), Israel always seen to these sacred Islamic places as a Palestinian symbols, and a target to attack.

This example can show to us how the sacred Places can be used as a production of ethno-national, and how the symbolic space can effect on the Palestinian culture and political situations, another example was happened in the Hassan Bek mosque, when a Palestinian suicidal has detonated himself at the “Dolphin Disco” in Tel Aviv, which killed twenty one Israeli, in the next morning, crowed of hundreds people surrounded the Hassan Bek mosque and attacked it. it was clearly how they intended to breach the boundaries of the sacred of this place.

This can prove that the Palestinian space with all the sacred Places have contributed in the identity formation and it became as a symbol of a Palestinian struggle against the majority of Jewish community even inside the allocated area of Israel.

The geographer Yi-Fu Tuan have argued in his book “Space and Place” that the Space can be considered as freedom, and the Place is security, it is interesting to find out that the first example in his book about this concept was the home, which can show to us the importance of home to build the character of individual, and the culture of society, his Definition of the home is: “There is no place like home”, and has merged its meaning with the motherland and neighbourhood. (Yi-Fu Tuan, 2001)

In addition, he went in depth to describe the relation between children and school, which is not just a Place with large windows and solid floors and doors but it can be Space for children to seek experience. (Yi-Fu Tuan, 2001)

From the previous section, we can see how much is important to analysis the Palestine space with respect to children and women, that can help us to know more about the effects of the Israeli military on the Space and Place, which simply can be called “The militarization of the Palestinian space”, which can be seen clearly from the hundreds of military checkpoints, it is also has been argued by Nadera Shalhoub that Israeli military use this as a tactic to: “a powerful method of imposing Israeli spatial dominance and creating constant chaos that feeds into the spiral manner in which militarized violence functions in the everyday life of Palestinians.” (Nadera Shalhoub, 2010)

In 2008, Nadera Shalhoub have interviewed many of girls, and women Palestinian in the process of doing her research “The Gendered Nature of Education Under Seige: A Palestinian feminist Perspective”, one of her interviewees was a 15 years old girl, her name Nora, she have expressed about her trauma of losing the sense of safety when Israeli military have demolished her home and school:

 “When they demolished my school, I felt that I lost my own home. Maybe the world can’t understand, but for Palestinian girls like me, the school is all we have. Girls in the world can go places, visit each other, find the books they want to read, organize field trips with their school and teachers, but Palestinian children have nothing. We the Palestinian girls feel that our schools are the only place we can meet friends, share books, meet, talk, play, sing, write, love… and now they demolished my school.” (Nadera Shalhoub, 2008)

The attacks of Israel on space and place of Palestinian children and women have caused them to turn into IDPs (internally displaced persons), and destroyed more than 5,200 Palestinian homes and schools since 1999.

It is clearly that the home and school are the Space and Place for community-building, and personal growth for all people around the world, but it is also the space of political resistance for Palestinian people, and particularly the space of Palestinian women to be safe from racism and sexism, so losing this space is tantamount to losing the space that affirmed their power of love and care.

As we know, the Palestinian refugee problem came as a result of establishing the state of Israel in 1948, and occupied the Palestinian lands in Gaza Strip and the West Bank in 1967, which have caused to change the meaning of Space for Palestinian refugees to be space of exception under the power of Israeli military, as well as the diminished the rights of Palestinians. (Giorgio Agamben)

In addition, It is a complicated to analyse the concept of Space and Place regarding to Palestinian refugees, they have been spreaded across the world in many camps, most of these camps can be found in Lebanon, Jordan, and Syria, as well as inside Palestine itself, each camps of these has its own circumstances, which can cause a unique definition of Space for Palestinians.

According to Diken and Laustsen, these camps can be seen as transient spaces to provide just a temporary shelter for these people till they get their right of return, or providing a new homeland for them. (Diken and Laustsen, 2005)

In our analysing of the concept space and place for Palestine, we have to clarify that it was based on the imagined Palestinian space, which supported by the collective memory of this Country, as well as the geographical and historical space of Palestine, so we still need to analyse the concept with respect to Palestine in the present, including the Palestinian Authority on the space, which cannot be done before the trip of our team to Palestine, because Space can be changed according to ideologies of the power there in a certain period of time.

Written By:  Fatma Ali Bensalem

References:

  • J. Agnew and D. Livingstone (eds.) Handbook of Geographical Knowledge. London:Sage, 2011 (forthcoming)
  • Hassan Nijmi. !e Poetics of Narrative Space. Al Dar Al Baida’ , Beirut: the Arab Cultural Center. 2000.
  • Chidester D, Linenthal E, T, 1995 “Introduction” in American Sacred Space Eds D.
  • Jonathan Z. Smith, To Take Place: Toward Theory in Ritual (Chicago and London, 1987)
  • Ivakhiv A, 2006 “Towards a geography of “religion”: Mapping the distribution of an unstable signifier” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 96(1) 169-175
  • Yi-fu Tuan, Space and Place, University of Minnesota Press; Reprint edition (22 Jan 2001)
  • Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, Palestinian Women and the Politics of Invisibility:Towards a Feminist Methodology, Peace Prints: South Asian Journal of Peacebuilding, Vol. 3, No. 1: Spring 2010
  • Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, “The Gendered Nature of Education Under Seige: A Palestinian feminist Perspective,” International Journal of Lifelong Education (2008)
  • Gregory, D., 2006 The black flag: Guantanamo Bay and the space of exception. Geogr. Ann., 88 B (4)
  • Diken, B., and B. Laustsen. 2005. The Culture of Exception Sociology Facing the camp. London : Routledge.
  • Palestinian Refugees. Identity, Space and Place in the Levant, Are Knudsen & Sari Hanafi (Ed.) (2010)
  • Ayat Hamdan, Foreign Aid and the Molding of the Palestinain Space, Bisan Center for Research and Development Ramallah – Palestine, October 2011
  • Nimrod Luz, Palestinian Identity, collective memory, and resistance in the Hassan Bek mosque conflict, 2008.
  • Ora Limor, Sharing Sacred Space: Holy Places in Jerusalem Between Christianity, Judaism, and Islam, P:219

The need to change, the need to develop and the need to become a better and stronger version of a current state. We all need that in order to grown, to move forward and to aspire for an update.  But how important becomes this need when others have to face the consequences of an unmerciful situation?

Al-Majdal, a Palestinian city until 1950 with significant religious memory, known today as the Jewish belonging of Ashkelon was built on one of the most powerful collective trauma based on lives, houses, blood and tears.

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Space is easily understood as an empirical fact, created independently on human interpretation is one of the most important aspect in the process of domination. Space is the spot on the map or a formal location that, completed by personal implications, embodiment of an individual and lived experience, becomes a place. The ancient Greeks understood this as “a part of the terrestrial surface that is not equivalent to any other, that an not be exchanged with any other without everything changing” (Farelli 2003,11)

Moreover, the understanding of the differences between space and place is completed by Henri Lefebvre and Michael Foucault who fought against a reality containing only people and objects . Thus, the reality comes with human interpretations and ways of understanding based in cultural developments and symbolic constructions. There is a significant relationship between the individual and a space, as they both construct and shape each other.

The current city of Ashkelon was reconstructed between June and October 1950 completely erasing the memory and spacial consciousness of the Palestinian city Al-Majdal. The well-known narrative of the ongoing conflict is simple and easy to understand: Arabs attacked due to their disagreement on allocating the territories, Jews won, got the territories and Palestinian left on a legal term. While the narrative seems somehow rational, the facts construct a completely different story.

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 The legal term used by the Jewish state dates since 1858 when the Ottoman Empire developed the Land Code which reasserts a Governmental control over the State Domain. Thus, what is known today as “The Ottoman Law”, based on oral history and never registered was applied in order to assure the Jewish state, control over lands of Palestine, as the “owners” were declared absent. (Tilsen, 2003)

The Jewish state came with a specific goal to conquer as much territory as possible and as a result the rightful habitats of Al-Majdal have been evicted and forced out of their houses at night, without any previous warning and prohibited from the right of return. Hence, the owners have been declared absent and according to the Absentees’ property law of 1950, Palestinian properties and land have been confiscated, taken over by Jewish communities or simply destroyed. (Masaltta, 2005:216)

Nevertheless, after suffering an eviction trauma, many Palestinians have tried to return facing a hysterical consequence of their own right. Ben White(2012) in his article regarding the colonial context, talks about the effects of  several refugees that have decided to return to their rightful properties. They have been “concentrated and sealed off with barbed wire and IDF guards in a small, built-up area commonly known as the ghetto”.

Not only have they been taken their houses and their lands, erased a culture and history that dated for more than thousand years, they have murdered and wretched without mercy or any sort of consciousness. Al-Majdal 1950, is part of what Arabs would call “The Nakba”

“The Nakba is the disaster of Palestinian people: the destruction of the villages and cities, the killing, the expulsion, the erasure of Palestinian culture.[But the Nakba].. is also a story, the story of the Jews who live in Israel, who enjoy the privileges of being the “winners”(Gordon, 2012)

References

Farinelli, F. (2003) Geografia. Un’introduzione ai modelli del mondo. Turin: Einaudi.

Gordon, N (2012) Erasing the Nakba, Available at:http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2012/05/201251591926951514.html(Accessed: 8th February, 2014).

Tilsen, J. (2003) Ottoman Land Registration Law as a Contributing Factor in the Israeli-Arab Conflict, Available at: http://www.beki.org/landlaw.html (Accessed: 8th February, 2014).

White, B (2012) Gaza to Galilee: The colonial context, Available at:http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2012/12/20121216124912496638.html  (Accessed: 8th February, 2014).

 

Antonia D Hruscovschi 

Contemporary Spectacle

Posted: January 23, 2014 in Academic Research

 Western societies believed that the feud between Jew and Arabs has been continuous (over 1000 years) and will remain the same. The truth of the matter is that this ‘idea’ is an assumption and an evident myth. There was no abnormality with the relationship between the Jewish people and before conflict had arisen the Jews flourished socially and economically in the Arab world. The two nations lived together in harmony (Arabs were the majority). This lifestyle eventually subsided when in the years of 1932-1936 Adolf Hitler began ethnic cleansing. Jews flooded to Palestine, where the decision arose to create a Jewish State, they believed that it was their right due to Jewish history being present on Palestinian land, they called it a national liberation movement (We may call it colonialist) An agreement was made for the Jew and Arabs to follow although Arabs made up 69% of the popularity and Jew 31% they received only 43 % whilst Jews 56% of the most fertile land. After the agreement was made Jews started the war of 1948. The national narrative is a spectacle in itself it claims that in 1948 the Jews were under attack by Arab armies who outnumbered the Jewish Military, it was said that the ‘Arabs attacked, the Jews won, Arabs left and Jews had the rights to take their homes. This infact goes against the actual facts if Jews were under attack how did the conquer the West bank, Gaza strip Sinai Peninsula and Golan heights all within 6 days whilst being attacked by Arab armies. The facts are that the Jews attacked because they wanted to erase Palestine off the map and in order for them to do that they carried out a hypocritical attack of ethnic cleansing, now I say hypocritical because did they not just face ruthless amounts of ethnic cleansing in Europe and that being the reason they flooded to Palestine although some Jewish people believe that they did not put Arabs through extreme amount of ethnic cleansing ( No gas chambers etc.) they did however still kill them no matter how the act was carried out. The Jews believe they treat Arabs like any enemy however it was the Jewish people who attacked first making the Arabs the enemy. The implication of the national narrative allows one culture to victimize themselves and let the other culture take the blame which portrays them as the antagonist in the whole situation when infact they are the victim. Another spectacle which has arisen is the idea of BiNationalism or the one state solution where both nations would come together and live in harmony where both nations have the right to return, the right to vote and an equal way of life. Many Jews say that Palestinians are against the idea of the national narrative however it was the Jews who didn’t want it in 1948 and are again blaming the Arabs for something they don’t want just to make them appear to be the better nation to western countries.

Written by Zainab Mogul and Cynthia Mbugua

Memory of Palestine

Posted: January 23, 2014 in Academic Research
If we want to speak about the issue of the right of return for Palestinian refugees, we have to go back to 1917 and bring the memory of that time when the Foreign Secretary of united kingdom (Arthur James Balfour) sent a letter to a leader of the British Jewish community (Baron Rothschild) which was a secret letter at that time. After a while, this letter has called “The Balfour Declaration 1917”, and it is as the following:

November 2nd, 1917

Dear Lord Rothschild,

I have much pleasure in conveying to you. on behalf of His Majesty’s Government, the following declaration of sympathy with Jewish Zionist aspirations which has been submitted to, and approved by, the Cabinet
His Majesty’s Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavors to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.
I should be grateful if you would bring this declaration to the knowledge of the Zionist Federation.

Yours,
Arthur James Balfour

It was so strange how United Kingdom has granted a land which does not owned to the Jews, which has contributed in the displacement of the people of Palestine. It is important to mention that this letter has been written by Balfour before United kingdom’s military entered Palestine after the first world war in 9 December 1917, and it does not mentioned Arab Muslims or Christians although Arabs make up 93% of the people in Palestine, while the Jews in Palestine constitutes only 7%, so the promise was to 7% and not to 93%!!!!!!

To conclude the first point which was the base of all the issues and conflict in Palestine over years, we can describe this promise as “an illegal promise made by someone who does not own to someone who does not deserve”.

The second point about the memory of Palestinian refugees issue has started between 1920 to 1948, when the Jewish people came to Palestine to seize their lands, that has been done by the help of the British Mandate over Palestine which provided all the ways for Jewish by helping them to put down any attempt for Palestinians to resist and retrieval their lands.

When Palestine people have found that their farms and lands have gone which is the only source of livelihood, especially the majority of them were peasants, they have forced to migrate to other cities or countries.

It is clearly from the previous point, that the seizure of lands and the displacement of Palestinians has been started by the Jewish and the help of British government even before the declaration from the UN to establish the Country of Israel in 1948, which it were between 1936 and 1939 that forced many of Palestinians to leave their country.

The second wave of Palestinian immigration began after the United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine in 29 of November 1947, when Jewish people expel more than 30,000 Palestinian who were living in what was allocated to the Jewish state, and has followed by 75,000 Palestinian between February and March in 1948.

The hostilities has caused by Israeli army in 1948 to Palestinians to establish Israeli country, and it were the main reason to displace the largest number of Palestinians when Israel used the force of arms to expel all Palestinians who lived in 530 towns and villages, and seized their lands which is now nearly 92% of the area of Israel.

Although the end of military operations for Israel, the process of displacement did not stop, and the methods of Palestinians displacement were based on two: The first method was based on terrorism and intimidation by destroying cities and killing innocent people, and the second one was based on some economic regulations which did not allow Palestinians to work in their farms as well as increasing the Tax and flood the market with exported goods to beat the local goods, such a policy has increased the number of Palestinians who left their country.

After three days of formed an provisional government of Israel, it has formed a special committee to make sure that all Palestinian refugees will not return to their homes, which has completed the process of demolition the destroyed villages, and putting the Jews in the Arab homes that has not been destroyed, the members of this special committee were : Yosef Weitz, Eliyahu Sasson and Ezra Danin, and this committee was supported by David Ben-Gurion (Prime minister of Israel in that time).
To expand the process of expulsion of Palestinians, this committee has helped Palestinians to find other places to live.

After the end of war in June 1967, Israeli government found that the numbers of Palestinians immigrants are not huge as the year of 1948, so their strategy has taken another way, and they started to provide a free transportation for people who want to migrate to Jordan and try to make them sign forms which state that they had left of their own volition and gave them 50 Israeli lira, and to complete this process, they have established formal offices , especially in large camps to encourage Palestinians to leave the country.

In this brief about the political memory for the issue of the right of return for Palestinian refugees, I have tried to show how the project of establishing Israeli country was based on the expulsion of the Palestinian population from their land, and was a pre-planned to implement this project.

I did not go in-depth to describe the butcheries that happened to Palestinians over that period of time till now by Israeli military and I did not compare the stones of Children with the weapons and Military technology for Israel, but it is very sad and funny in the same time to believe that Israel has offered the peace and Palestine did not accept it.

 

Written By:  Fatma Bensalem 

Reference:
• Roger , Garaudy , file Israel , a study of political Zionism , Sunrise House , Beirut , 1983 , pp. 111 .
• Taesser Jabbara , forced migration , the third issue .64-4 , An-Najah University , Nablus, 1998, pp. 22 .
• Salman Abu Sitta , the right of return is sacred , legal and possible , b d , site of www.prc.org.uk / data / aspx
• Norma Egyptian, social study into the causes of the failure of the resettlement of Palestinian refugees, Palestinian politics magazine, Issue 13.
• Center for Palestine Research and Studies, 1997.
• D. Numan Amr, the impact of Israeli settlement projects on the right of return for Palestinians, Al Quds Open University, Hebron area educational, 2007.